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What Gun-Control Activists Can Learn From the Civil-Rights Movement

The success of the 1963 March on Washington hinged on a confluence of factors that aren't yet present for demonstrators today.
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Why did the march in 1963 have such a big effect? What were the ingredients that went into the mix that day? That is what today’s young protesters might want to think about as they seek to break through opposition in Congress.

The power of the civil-rights march stemmed foremost from it being an expression of a mass movement that had been taking shape since the mid-1950s. Participants in this movement had organized, they had marched, they had confronted law-enforcement authorities many times before. The movement thus had national recognition and a proven track record before the event on the National Mall took place. The civil-rights movement already included a thick network of groups with mass-membership bases, ranging from organized labor to religious associations, who could collectively make clear to legislators there would be a political price to pay if they did nothing. Organized across issue areas and across state lines, by 1963 the civil-rights movement had nurtured a talented cohort of leaders, such as King, who committed themselves to fighting for this issue on a full-time basis and over as many years as it would take.

The movement also had a skilled Washington presence that could keep the pressure on inside the halls of Congress. Clarence Mitchell, the African American lobbyist for the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, known as the “Lion in the Lobby,” was a regular presence in congressional offices and a shrewd politico who understood the legislative process. “When you have a law,” Mitchell liked to say, “you have an instrument that will work for you permanently. But when you branch out on a separate line of direct action, you may wind up with nothing.” With such a mature set of organizations behind it, the marchers in August could shift congressional sentiment in a way that still might be difficult for the nascent movement led by student activists in 2018.

 
There were, by 1963, elected officials who were willing to spend political capital to get civil-rights legislation done by the time that the marchers arrived. Had they not been present, all the of speeches in the world would have not achieved their effect. Kennedy was not quite there yet, though he finally agreed to send Congress legislation after witnessing the brutality against civil-rights protesters in Birmingham. But within Congress, there were a number of prominent legislators who were all in regardless of whether they risked the wrath of their Southern colleagues.